Owing to China’s increasing influence, the complex geopolitics of the Pacific Islands has become a threat to the strategic superiority of Western democratic countries. The diplomatic policies of the US, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan toward Pacific Island countries (PICs) stand at a critical juncture, reviewing current policy approaches and introducing new ones. This study suggests an approach that Japan could employ to increase its presence, through an evaluation of Pacific Leaders’ Educational Assistance for Development of State (Pacific-LEADS), a scholarship programme expected to contribute to PICs’ economic growth, strengthen existing ties, and increase Japan’s presence in the region. This evaluation is based on interviews and surveys conducted in Tonga, Samoa, and Vanuatu in 2019 and 2020. Insufficient communication and poor understanding of PICs, the primary factors limiting the programme’s effectiveness, are attributed to a policy design approach grounded in the donor–recipient relationship. Japan may need to employ a new approach that emphasises the promotion of substantial equal partnerships.

This article focuses on the squash industry of Tonga, which was successfully developed in the 1990s and declined in the 2000s. It analyses how squash export prices are affected by the quantity of squash export and the number of squash exporters. An examination of the squash industry demonstrates that the collapse of the export prices and the decline of the industry is caused due to the lack of structural frameworks for managing the industry effectively and/or the functional failure of the framework. It is perceived that the decline of the industry was due to the withdrawal of the squash export quota from the government, but the main factor appears to be the failure of the government to control the quality of the squash exported to Japan. Thus, a weak institutional capacity prevented the sustainable development of the industry. This article concludes that the development of institutional and human capacity to establish structural frameworks for managing industries and operating the frameworks effectively will contribute to the sustainable development of an export-oriented agriculture-based industry in the PICs.

Each ethnic community has an ethnic-based political party both within the government coalition (Barisan Nasional: BN) and within the opposition coalition (Pakatan Rakyat and Pakatan Harapan). Therefore, Malaysia’s political structure can be described as double-layered ethnic politics. In this political structure, the BN government has been forced to adopt a fluctuating policy framework for nation building. As a result, double-layered ethnic politics impedes the development of national integration. Paradoxically, this phenomenon contributes to the maintenance of social stability as this political structure effectively prevents the establishment of a robust ethnic unity that may lead to ethnic conflicts.

[Abstract] Due to their ambiguous and fluctuating nature, socio-cultural policies have played only a limited role in promoting national integration. This study examines how the substance of the policies has been forged from political, economic and social contexts. Under an ethnic-based political structure, the government has been compelled to balance the demands of various ethnic communities and hence to have ambiguous and fluctuating socio-cultural policies. Malaysia's economic growth strategies dependent on FDI also induce the government to implement vague and shifting policies since these policies result in stable political and social climate. Stability has been the most important comparative advantage for attracting FDI to Malaysia during its period of modern economic growth. Because Malay preferential policies are logically incompatible with the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism, policy ambiguity in government planning has ensued.

This paper examines the prospects of ethnic politics and consociationalism in Malaysia, in terms of their structures and capabilities. Towards this end, the Barisan Nasional's (BN) policies from 2008 to 2013, the BN's and the Pakatan Rakyat's (PR) 2013 electoral strategies, and the results of the 2013 election will be analysed. As political parties in both the BN and the PR have generally represented ethnic interests and identities, an ethnic-based political structure has been maintained. A consociational political system, which is based on an ethnic-based political structure, has been adopted by both political coalitions. An examination of the 2013 election results indicates that the BN's ethnic politicking as a vote-gathering device has become ineffective. The BN's consociationalism has suffered from a legitimacy deficit, particularly within ethnic minority communities. However, it may be premature to claim that the Malaysian political culture is on the cusp of transcending the BN's paradigm of ethnic politics and consociationalism. The shift from ethnic politics will generate stronger momentum when the PR parties are incorporated into one political party.

This paper considers the ways in which Malaysia has tried to develop automotive production through promoting a nationally-owned car producer, Proton, and to carve out some "policy space" to continue a degree of protection while also liberalising its trade regime. We show that protection has not yet succeeded in making Proton and its many vendors internationally competitive, and why Malaysia has found that it has to secure the cooperation of a major automotive multinational to upgrade and to achieve export success.

This paper examines the attempts by Malaysia to foster production by national automotive producers in a global industry dominated by a small number of major multinationals. Despite the use of a wide range of industrial policies, both standard import-substituting ones and more targeted policies, the main national producer, Proton, has been unable successfully to enter the automotive global value chain. We argue that Malaysia is probably faced with a choice of accepting foreign majority ownership, as with its second national producer, Perodua, or reconciling itself to Proton lagging in both technology and marketing.

This article examines the direction of ethnic politics in Malaysia by investigating the 2008 election results and the subsequent political maneuverings of political parties following the election. The results do not clearly demonstrate the demise of ethnic politics however, the communal political paradigm of the Barisan Nasional Party (BN) has become increasingly ineffective in its attempts to appease both Malay and non-Malay communities. Following the election, the BN seems to have moved towards the adoption of a multiethnic agenda, whereas its affiliated parties have chosen to maintain their communal political paradigm. Furthermore, the Pakatan Rakyat has not outlined a clear multiethnic platform and has failed to reject communal politics. The Malaysian political paradigm has yet to shift qualitatively away from ethnic politics. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

This paper examines how the affirmative action programme based on Malay preferential policies has influenced the formation of ambiguous socio-cultural policies (incorporating Malay cultural dominance and the recognition of non-Malay cultural rights) that hinder the development of national integration. This study is conducted by analysing the relationship between Malay preferential policies and the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism. Because Malay preferential policies are logically incompatible with the principles of assimilation and multiculturalism, these policies influence the shaping of ambiguous socio-cultural policies. In addition, the direction of Malay preferential policies is examined by considering ethnic tensions regarding these policies and the government's efforts after the 2008 election. The government is confronting a dilemma and has not yet determined its direction. Malay preferential policies will not be abolished in the near future, and the nature of socio-cultural policies will remain ambiguous. Thus, a dramatic development of national integration cannot be expected in the foreseeable future. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden 2013.

This paper examines how Malaysia's 1996 Education Act, which is based on a multiculturalism-type approach, has influenced ethnic polarization in primary and secondary education. This is done through research on the enrolment trend of Chinese Malaysians. Most Chinese have not regarded the Act as an expression of a multiculturalism-type approach but rather as a continuation of the assimilationism-type approach that had been practiced since 1961. This is due in part to many ambiguities in the 1996 Act and in its implementation. The Act has, therefore, not influenced Chinese enrolment trends to any notable extent. The Act and its many ambiguities have not worsened ethnic polarization either nor has it had much impact one way or another on national integration. © 2007 ISEAS.

フィジーでは、民族間緊張の緩和、国民統合の達成が独立以来の最大の課題となっているが、これまでのところ統合は達成されておらず、民族間の溝はいまだに存在している。その大きな要因の一つが、民族ごとに分離している初等（中等）教育の構造にあると考えられる。そこで本研究は、Allportらの主張するContact Theoryを手掛かりに、(1)初等教育における民族間の交流促進が民族間関係の改善および国民統合の発展に寄与する可能性、(2)交流促進の実行可能性の各点についての検証を通して、フィジーの初等教育における民族間交流と国民統合について、総合的な検証に挑むものである。 本年度は、8月および3月に現地調査を行い、昨年度実施予定であったフィジー系およびインド系の教員組合でのインタビュー、初等教育機関での教員へのインタビュー、生徒に対するアンケート調査の実施を予定していた。しかし、コロナウイルス感染拡大が収まらず、フィジーへの渡航自体が不可能であり、現地調査が中止となった。そこで、本年度は、昨年度に引き続き、文献調査・研究を中心に行った。主に、フィジーの民族問題と教育の関係に関する書籍、論文、新聞報道やWeb情報の整理、研究を行うとともに、民族問題に限定せずフィジー教育の抱える課題についての文献研究（特に教育省発行のAnnual Reportの調査、研究）、また太平洋島嶼地域全体の教育課題、オーストラリアにおける島嶼移民の教育課題に関する文献研究も行った。また、研究協力者であるFiji National University, College of Humanities and Educationの教員と継続的にコンタクトを取り、今後の研究の方向性などの議論を行っている。

昨年度に引き続き、太平洋島嶼諸国の持続可能な開発戦略に関連した文献研究及び現地聞き取り調査を訪問国を分担して行うと共に、各研究者ごとに関連する学会等で研究発表を行った。 代表の関根は、マーシャル諸島において同国の伝統的価値を重視する開発政策とSDGs戦略との整合性に関する調査を関係する現地政府関係機関や在外公館、JICA支所等において行った。分担者の梅村はソロモン諸島において同国の観光開発に関連した聞き取り調査を中央銀行やJICAソロモン支所、政府観光局等で行うと共に、観光関連施設の視察を行った。分担者の三村は太平洋島嶼国の開発とSDGsについて政府文書などにより調査を行った。またサモアを訪問し、前年11月に発生した麻疹流行による社会経済への影響について現地政府機関等の関係者から聞き取りを行うと共に、2009年に発生した津波被害からの復興状況について現地踏査した。分担者の畝川は、フィジーの初等教育機関において教育の現状、民族間関係、教育におけるInclusivenessに関する聞き取り調査を行い、バヌアツにおいては我が国の人材育成プログラムの評価研究のため、関係省庁、同プログラム修了生へのオンラインアンケート調査を行った。研究分担者の東は、ソロモン諸島とフィジーを訪問し、現地の法とSDGs政策との関連性に関する調査を、現地関係政府機関および在外公館、JICA支所等で行った。分担者の小林は、SDGs政策に関連する「米国と自由連合関係にあるミクロネシア３ヵ国の財政状況と対米第３次経済協力協定交渉の推移状況」に関する現地調査をパラオの政府関係機関や在外公館、JICA支所等で実施した。分担者の野田は、2020年2月に予定していたツバル訪問が新型コロナの影響で実現しなかったため、主に途上国におけるSDGs政策に関連した資料収集およびその分析活動を行った。

本研究は、RIMUP（国民統合のための生徒交流政策）の国民統合発展への成果、将来の可能性の各点ついて検証するものである。研究遂行にあたり、マレーシア国民大学民族問題研究所の客員研究員のポジションを獲得した。平成27年度～29年度に6度現地調査を実施し、関係省庁および教育関係NGO、そして小学校の教員へのインタビュー、RIMUP参加生徒へのアンケート調査を行った。調査を通して、RIMUPは諸民族の合意を得たプログラムであり、継続可能かつ将来性のあるプログラムであることが明らかとなった。しかし、同プログラムはその構造に大きな課題を抱えており、国民統合への効果は限定的になることが明らかとなった。

本件研究では、東南アジアの自動車産業・自動車部品産業の政策・発展の課題に着目し、タイ・マレーシア・インドネシアのアセアン3カ国の自動車産業の発展の歴史、部品調達ネットワーク、生産・貿易の動向並びに国際競争力について分析した。タイ自動車産業は、近年急速な成長を遂げており、2012年に自動車生産台数は248万台に到達し、世界第9位の自動車生産国となった。また、インドネシア自動車産業は、タイには劣るものの近年、順調な成長をしており、2012年に初めて100万台の生産台数を記録し、世界の17位の地位を誇るまでに至った。一方、マレーシアの自動車産業は緩やかな成長に留まり、2012年度の生産台数は57.2万台(世界22位)である。各国の部品メーカーの数を比較すると、タイは2390社、インドネシア850社、マレーシア690社である。輸出に関しては、タイの自動車産業は生産台数約半数を世界中に輸出する東南アジアの自動車輸出拠点として成長している。